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#732 2008 · Developing-country customs administrations (cross-country reform studied by Dean Yang) · Government / customs administration

Dozens of governments stopped trying to make border customs honest and moved the check to another country instead

the problem

Customs officials under-collected import duties because they lived in the same town and industry web as the importers they were supposed to police

background

Import duties depend on an honest declaration of a shipment's value and tariff category, checked at the border by a customs official. In many developing countries that official and the importer share a community, an industry, sometimes a personal relationship -- structurally the same person who has to police an under-declared shipment today may need that importer's goodwill tomorrow. Under-valuation and misclassification were correspondingly routine, and standard anti-corruption fixes -- better pay, more training, stiffer penalties for customs officers -- attack the official's honesty directly, which is exactly the point in the process most resistant to that kind of fix, since the relationship generating the pressure to look away doesn't disappear because the salary went up.

Starting in the 1980s and spreading through the 1990s and 2000s, dozens of governments instead began contracting independent, often foreign, private inspection firms to verify a shipment's declared value and tariff classification in the exporting country, before the goods or paperwork ever reached the importing country's border -- moving the checkpoint to a person and a place with no local relationship to be captured by.

what everyone would do

Try to make the border customs officials more honest -- raise pay, add training, increase penalties for bribery -- the standard anti-corruption toolkit, aimed directly at the person doing the checking rather than at the structural reason they're compromised.

what they saw

The corruption wasn't a personal failing that better incentives could fix -- it was close to guaranteed by placing the check at the one point in the process where the checker and the checked party already had an ongoing relationship. Move the check to a point before that relationship exists, and the specific mechanism generating the pressure to look away disappears, without needing anyone at the border to become more honest.

the move

Under pre-shipment inspection (PSI) programs, an independent surveillance company inspects and certifies a shipment's price, quantity and customs classification at its point of origin, before export, producing a report the importing country's customs authority uses to verify the paperwork presented at the border -- so the true numbers are on record from a party with no relationship to the importer before the shipment ever reaches the checkpoint where the old capture happened.

why it works

A local customs official evaluating an importer's shipment is in a repeated relationship with that importer's community, creating an incentive to under-report today in exchange for goodwill tomorrow. A pre-shipment inspection firm operating in the exporting country has no such relationship with that specific importer and stakes a reputation across many government clients on accurate reporting, so its incentive runs the opposite way -- inaccuracy risks losing contracts broadly, not just annoying one importer. Because the true value and classification are recorded before the shipment ever reaches the corruptible checkpoint, any later attempt to under-declare requires openly contradicting an already-filed independent report rather than quietly agreeing on a number with a border official who has every reason to go along.

the payoff

Dean Yang's cross-country analysis of the reform found that countries adopting pre-shipment inspection saw large increases in import duty collections while other tax revenues stayed comparatively flat -- evidence the gain traced specifically to less import-fraud, not to unrelated economic growth -- with the resulting revenue improvement in a typical program's first five years estimated at roughly 2.6 times the program's own cost, driven by documented declines in the falsification of import documentation, undervaluation and misclassification.

where it breaks

The mechanism only works if the new checkpoint is genuinely harder to capture than the old one -- a World Bank cross-country evaluation found PSI reduced fraud in the Philippines but coincided with more fraud in Argentina and had no measurable effect in Indonesia, evidence the inspection firm itself can become the point of collusion, or can simply be overridden by a border authority that ignores an inconvenient report. It also introduces new friction of its own -- exporters have reported inspection delays, arbitrary price adjustments and disqualifications serious enough that the WTO built a formal dispute-resolution process around it -- so the fix trades one failure mode for a different, more procedural one rather than eliminating risk outright.

what came after

The mechanism became common enough that the WTO adopted a formal Agreement on Preshipment Inspection in 1995, setting procedural rules and an independent review body because the inspection firms themselves could create new friction -- exporters have reported delays, arbitrary price adjustments and disqualifications from PSI companies, problems serious enough to need their own dispute-resolution process. Later cross-country evaluation also found the effect was not uniform: a World Bank study by Cadot, Anson and Olarreaga found PSI reduced fraud in the Philippines but coincided with a rise in fraud in Argentina and showed no significant effect in Indonesia, a reminder that relocating the check doesn't guarantee integrity if the new checkpoint can itself be captured or overridden.

references

  1. [1]Integrity for Hire: An Analysis of a Widespread Customs ReformThe Journal of Law and Economics (University of Chicago Press), via RePEc/EconPapers, 2008econpapers.repec.org
  2. [2]Trade Guide: WTO Agreement on Preshipment InspectionInternational Trade Administration, U.S. Department of Commerce, 2024trade.gov

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